Origin of Cultivated Plants The International Scientific Series Volume XLVIII — Edition Insights
Edition facts
Before opening Origin of Cultivated Plants The International Scientific Series Volume XLVIII — Edition Insights, the edition data offers a quick orientation: 164,876 words, 11 hr 57 min estimated reading time, and 32 detected text sections.
The text analysis averages about 15.5 words per sentence, while the detected sections provide another way to judge how the source is divided.
Project Gutenberg metadata also associates the work with “Plants, Cultivated,” connecting these edition facts with the source record’s subject description.
Calculated from edition completeness, EPUB availability, text structure and catalogue metadata. Not a user rating.
How this score is calculated
- Description quality20 pts
- Title & short description10 pts
- Source metadata20 pts
- Text length15 pts
- Chapters / structure15 pts
- EPUB file integrity20 pts
Total of 100 points, scaled to a 2.5-5.0 range. Editions with an empty description or a missing EPUB file are not scored.
Read the Text
commonly attributed the first steps in agriculture and the introduction of useful plants, to some divinity, or at least to some great emperor or Inca. Reflection shows that this is hardly probable, and observation of the attempts at agriculture among the savage tribes of our own day proves that the facts are quite otherwise.
In the progress of civilization the beginnings are usually feeble, obscure, and limited. There are reasons why this should be the case with the first attempts at agriculture or horticulture. Between the custom of gathering wild fruits, grain, and roots, and that of the regular cultivation of the plants which produce them, there are several steps. A family may scatter seeds around its dwelling, and provide itself the next year with the same product in the forest. Certain fruit trees may exist near a dwelling without our knowing whether they were planted, or whether the hut was built beside them in order to profit by them. War and the chase often interrupt attempts at cultivation. Rivalry and mistrust cause the imitation of one tribe by another to make but slow progress. If some great personage command the cultivation of a plant, and institute some ceremonial to show its utility, it is probably because obscure and unknown men have previously spoken of it, and that successful experiments have been already made. A longer or shorter succession of local and short-lived experiments must have occurred before such a display, which is calculated to impress an already numerous public. It is easy to understand that there must have been determining causes to excite these attempts, to renew them, to make them successful.
The first cause is that such or such a plant, offering some of those advantages which all men seek, must be within reach. The lowest savages know the plants of their country; but the example of the Australians and Patagonians shows that if they do not consider them productive and easy to rear, they do not entertain the idea of cultivating them. Other conditions are sufficiently evident: a not too rigorous climate; in hot countries, the moderate duration of drought; some degree of security and settlement; lastly, a pressing necessity, due to insufficient resources in fishing, hunting, or in the production of indigenous and nutritious plants, such as the chestnut, the date-palm, the banana, or the breadfruit tree. When men can live without work it is what they like best. Besides, the element of hazard in hunting and fishing attracts primitive, and sometimes civilized man, more than the rude and regular labour of cultivation.
I return to the species which savages are disposed to cultivate. They sometimes find them in their own country, but often receive them from neighbouring peoples, more favoured than themselves by natural conditions, or already possessed of some sort of civilization. When a people is not established on an island, or in some place difficult of access, they soon adopt certain plants, discovered elsewhere, of which the advantage is evident, and are thereby diverted from the cultivation of the poorer species of their own country. History shows us that wheat, maize, the sweet potato, several species of the genus Panicum, tobacco, and other plants, especially annuals, were widely diffused before the historical period. These useful species opposed and arrested the timid attempts made here and there on less productive or less agreeable plants. And we see in our own day, in various countries, barley replaced by wheat, maize preferred to buckwheat and many kinds of millet, while some vegetables and other cultivated plants fall into disrepute because other species, sometimes brought from a distance, are more profitable. The difference in value, however great, which is found among plants already improved by culture, is less than that which exists between cultivated plants and others completely wild. Selection, that great factor which Darwin has had the merit of introducing so happily into science, plays an important part when once agriculture is established; but in every epoch, and especially in its earliest stage, the choice of species is more important than the selection of varieties.
Alphonse de Candolle opens his preface with a clear methodological challenge: three out of four of Linnaeus's indications of the original homes of cultivated plants are incomplete or incorrect. This sets the tone for a work that treats botanical origin as a historical puzzle, requiring evidence from travellers, archaeologists, and linguists as much as from herbarium sheets. The book is structured as a series of species-by-species investigations, each weighing multiple lines of proof—from ancient texts to the absence of fossil leaves in tufa deposits—to determine where a plant grew before humans intervened.
The excerpts reveal a recurring pattern: de Candolle moves from a plant's botanical family and current distribution to a critical review of earlier authorities, then to his own assessment of wild status. For the olive, he notes that no leaf has been found in European tufa alongside laurel and myrtle, suggesting a later naturalization. For the star apple, he cites conflicting reports from Sloane, Jacquin, and Grisebach about whether it is truly wild in the West Indies. These small debates illustrate the book's central method—sifting testimonial proof to separate cultivation from native range.
The Problem of Wild Status
De Candolle repeatedly confronts a core difficulty: distinguishing a plant that is truly wild from one that has escaped from cultivation. In the case of the star apple (Chrysophyllum Caïnito), he notes that Sloane considered it an escape in Jamaica, while Jacquin says vaguely “Inhabits Martinique and San Domingo,” and Grisebach lists it as both wild and cultivated across several islands. De Candolle does not resolve the question definitively; instead, he presents the conflicting evidence and lets the reader see the uncertainty. This pattern recurs with the marmalade plum (Lucuma mammosa), where Humboldt and Bonpland found it wild on the Orinoco, but in Brazil it is only a garden species. The author’s honesty about incomplete data—such as the lack of satisfactory illustrations because colonists assume the plant is too well known—gives the work a scientific humility rare in popular natural history of the period.
Linguistic and Archaeological Clues
De Candolle frequently turns to language and material remains as evidence. For the olive in the Canary Islands, he argues that if the Guanchos had possessed the tree, their language would likely retain names for olive oil, yet Webb and Berthelot record none. He also points to the absence of olive leaves in European tufa deposits where laurel and myrtle are found, treating this as an indication of later naturalization. These methods show his willingness to combine botany with philology and paleontology. The preface explicitly states that the work relies on “testimonial proof” sifted like historical evidence—a rare admission for a science based on observation. This interdisciplinary approach allows him to correct errors dating from the Greeks and Romans, though he acknowledges that some questions remain open to conjecture.
Geographic Movement and Human Agency
The book traces not only where plants originated but how they spread. De Candolle notes that the sapodilla, though esteemed in the tropics, has not been widely transported to Africa or Asia, possibly because of its insipid taste. The Peruvian caïmito (Lucuma Caïnito) was carried from Peru to Ega on the Amazon and to Pará, where it is called abi or abiu. These details reveal a geography shaped by human preference and accident. The olive, despite its ancient cultivation in the Mediterranean, has spread slowly to the Cape, America, and Australia; de Candolle attributes this to its slow growth, need for grafting, and competition from other oil plants. He even suggests that productivity in the Old World could be doubled by grafting onto wild trees, as the French did in Algeria—a practical note that ties botanical history to contemporary agriculture.
The Weight of Authority and Error
A persistent theme is the correction of inherited mistakes. De Candolle states that Linnaeus’s indications are “incomplete or incorrect” for three out of four cultivated plants, and that these errors are still repeated in periodicals and popular works. He aims to correct mistakes “which date in some cases from the Greeks and Romans.” The excerpts show him engaging with earlier authorities—Sloane, Jacquin, Grisebach, Webb and Berthelot—not to dismiss them but to weigh their reliability. For the marmalade plum, he notes that no satisfactory illustration exists because colonists neglect to send selected specimens, a “neglect … common enough in the case of cultivated plants.” This meta-commentary on the practice of botany itself gives the book an unusual self-awareness: de Candolle is as interested in how knowledge is produced and transmitted as in the plants themselves.
Readers approaching this work should expect a methodical, evidence-driven inquiry rather than a narrative of discovery. De Candolle’s prose is dense with citations and cautious conclusions; he often presents multiple hypotheses without forcing a single answer. The book rewards attention to the small debates—over a missing fossil leaf, a contested wild population, or a gap in indigenous vocabulary—that reveal how botanical knowledge is built from imperfect clues. For those interested in the history of science, it offers a clear example of late-nineteenth-century biogeography in practice, before genetics transformed the field.
That rainy afternoon, I kept pausing over de Candolle’s careful doubts about where sorghum first grew, his gentle untangling of old testimonies. Later, drifting sideways, I found myself holding another volume, one that traces the same grasses through Sudan’s own shifting borders and memories. They don’t contradict each other, exactly—Flora of the Sudan — Text and Context simply lets the plants speak for themselves, with less certainty and more weather.
There are no reviews for this eBook.
Take a moment to reflect on this book
Create a short personal record of your experience with this book.